The recent student-led uprising in Bangladesh itself has been a significant resolution, said Mahfuj Alam, special assistant to the Chief Adviser Dr Muhammad Yunus and also the coordinator of the liaison committee established to maintain communication between the students, citizens, and the interim government.
A graduate of the University of Dhaka's Law Department, Mahfuj Alam has taken on the role of a political-intellectual collaborator during this tumultuous period.
He is the organiser of a reading circle known as "Guruvar Adda" and serves as the editor of several publications, including Purbo Pokkhok, Ronpa, and Sineyog.
In an interview with Prothom Alo, he shared insights about the student movement and its implications for social and political change.
When asked how did the students managed to lead such a significant uprising, he said, "Prior to the 2018 elections, there were two major movements—the Safe Road movement and the quota reform agitation. These movements revealed that a segment of the youth was compelled to take to the streets to fill the political vacuum. In the 2018 elections, the people, including the BNP, were once again deceived. For the next two to three years, various crises prevented the youth from rising up again. The primary crisis was the lack of a political direction. The youth were largely divided into significant political factions, unable to envision anything beyond the Awami League, BNP, Jamaat-e-Islami, and the faint strands of leftist politics."
"It was evident to us that the narrative crafted by the Awami League regarding the pro- and anti-liberation forces could not be sustained while simultaneously defeating the Awami League. The inability to achieve national reconciliation post-liberation was a substantial failure attributed to the Awami League. We noticed that cultural fault lines have divided Bangladesh, with various actors contributing to this division. Therefore, our aim was to find ways to erase these dividing lines and address these issues. There has been no resolution in the past 50 years, but we endeavoured to make progress," he added.
Responding to what efforts did he undertook, Mahfuj Alam said, "We organised various reading circles and cultural events. Under the banner of the Jhonaki Gali factory, we engaged in film activism. Nasiruddin Patwary, the current convener of the citizens’ committee, staged a sit-in at the Raju sculpture for 54 consecutive days, demanding an end to border killings. In support of this sit-in, we published pamphlets and newspapers. Furthermore, we proposed eight points regarding the murder of Abrar Fahad at BUET, focusing on how Bangladesh could strengthen itself as a state rather than merely opposing India."
"We educated ourselves and initiated various efforts. However, it became apparent that this was insufficient. In October 2021, we established a reading circle called ‘Guruvar Adda’. Initially, four of us, including Nahid Islam, were involved, later joined by three others, including Abu Bakar Majumdar," he added.
"Our discussions took place on Thursdays, where we pondered various questions concerning state, society, philosophy, history, and theology, which many tend to overlook. We engaged with works by Kamruddin Ahmed as well as discussions on Lenin and the realities of Islamic state thought. We explored the ideas of Rabindranath, Vivekananda, and Iqbal. Through these discussions, we aimed to bridge the gap between thought and cultural politics as much as possible. We participated in various student movements and tried to provide theoretical foundations for major agitations," he further added.
The movement began with the quota reform agitation, which eventually escalated to demands for the resignation of Sheikh Hasina, when asked if there was there a hidden agenda behind progression, he said: "Our initial aspiration was to expand student power throughout Bangladesh. If the quota reform movement gained traction on campuses, it could create opportunities for student council elections at many universities. This could also bring forth new leadership. However, the long-term objective of ousting the government was always present. We aimed to strengthen student power first before venturing into politics. We sought to engage in cultural spheres, industries, and educational institutions."
"From 5 June to 1 July, the members of the student power network organisationally expanded the movement across Bangladesh. However, from 1 to 14 July, we received no political or even intellectual support. Many speculated that there must be some conspiracy at play. Yet, due to our innovative strategies, the strength of the movement increased day by day on campuses and in urban areas. We contemplated whether we could transform it into a substantial student-citizen movement. Our target was 2026, but we wondered why not now if the opportunity arose!" he added.
Answering when they realised that the opportunity had arrived, Mahfuj Alam said: "After the announcement of the Bengali Blockade on 6 July. Analysing the Bengali Blockade campaign, you’ll see that it gained significant public engagement. We collectively drafted a concept note on student power. Initially, we referred to this uprising as the student-citizen uprising. At its core was the idea of solidarity between student and citizen forces. The plan for the Bengali Blockade was designed around this solidarity. If you examine the campaign, you'll notice that students converged at various locations in Dhaka, joined by citizens. This had not been possible in the past 16 years.
Regarding the solidarity of the general public, he said: "During the week following the Bengali Blockade. Over the past 15 years, we were unable to create a public connection with political parties. However, through the Bengali Blockade, we succeeded in garnering public support in Dhaka. Those who had previously been unable to protest began to voice their dissent. The government had not yet intervened directly against the students. We seized this opportunity. Members of student organisations began joining us as coordinators and activists, stepping beyond their political identities. We desired inclusivity and a mass movement. If this movement failed, how could student power endure? Therefore, we continuously crafted slogans within the movement. Our plan was to make these slogans nationally accepted; otherwise, we would struggle to sustain ourselves in politics in the future."
Various layers of society participated in the student-citizen movement—students, workers, hill tribes, and women, Mahfuj said they gleaned a lot from this diversity.
"I view this mass uprising as a significant resolution of various issues—cultural questions, ideological questions. This major eruption may have scattered the resolutions across different realms. However, the uprising itself was a considerable settlement or arrangement." he added.
When asked that every uprising has two aspects—a fall and a rise, the fall has been achieved, what does this movement represent as an unspoken manifesto of citizens’ aspirations, he said: "In the new Bangladesh, many desire to witness substantial changes. The youth primarily seek representation—not just in elections, but everywhere. They yearn for freedom of speech. Democratic artists and writers wish to express their thoughts. Daily wage labourers seek fair wages. The hill communities have their aspirations too. Initially hesitant to join, scholars later participated in the movement. Over the past 15 years, they have been oppressed as a group. During the complete shutdown of the movement, we observed a significant portion of workers participating. For 15 years, they had been subjected to class-based oppression. Everyone sought liberation from a dire and suffocating state. After all, would anyone willingly stand in front of bullets to die?"
"The involvement of women in this movement was monumental. While many may forget, it is a fact that without women, this movement would not have succeeded. Despite having only a 10% quota, women proclaimed that they did not want quotas. Why? Because it affected their self-esteem. This struggle was also about dignity. Sheikh Hasina had shattered the self-esteem of the country’s populace. When the protesters shouted slogans labelling themselves as ‘Rajakars’, it was a reflection of their wounded sense of dignity. Thus, you can also view this movement as a project for the restoration of dignity, and an expression of diverse class aspirations and representation," he added.
Addressing the issue that there are talks of a new political arrangement in the post-uprising scenario, Mahfuj Alam said: "There are two aspects to a state—an upper layer and an inner layer. Focusing on the surface without addressing the underlying issues amounts to laying a new sheet over old filth. The populace seeks not merely a change in power but a transformation in the power structure itself. They desire self-respect and equality. They seek a resolution to the politics of division on cultural and ideological fronts. They want a space where everyone can speak, where every voice can be heard. They demand the enjoyment of fundamental human and civil rights without any conditionalities. Broadly speaking, we must fully discard the previous government's arrangements concerning ideological, political, cultural, and economic matters, and move towards a more inclusive political arena."
